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Transcript

The Board For Peace - Whitewashing Ethnic Cleansing and Genocide

Why Gaza Is the Prototype for Technocratic, Corporate, Post Democratic Governance

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About this Episode -

A note to the reader. This is a long piece. But I ask you to please stay with me.

What follows is slow, deliberate, and detailed by design. There is a lot to unpack.

Where I reference claims, testimony, or documented events, I do so based on publicly available reporting, witness accounts, and official statements, and I encourage readers to verify sources for themselves.

In this article, I will walk through the following, step by step:

  • Why October 7th cannot be analysed honestly without asking uncomfortable questions

  • How that event became the political and moral pretext for Gaza’s destruction

  • How Gaza is now being reframed as a redevelopment and investment opportunity

  • What the so called Board of Peace actually is, and what its charter really establishes

  • Who sits on this board, and who is deliberately excluded

  • Why capital, not democracy, is the real political power in this model

  • How Gaza is being converted into a managed labour zone

  • Why the Bantustan comparison is not rhetoric but structure

  • Why Gaza is not the exception, but the prototype


I want to begin by talking about what was unveiled in Davos last week, at the annual World Economic Forum meeting. A new Board of Peace for Gaza. And how ethnic cleansing is being reframed as a business model. How Gaza has become a test case for technocratic colonialism.

And I want to do this very slowly and methodically.

But before I do, I know there will be people who are emotionally charged and already shouting,
“Well, the savages had it coming.”
“They carried out a terrorist act, so it is all their fault, and the Palestinians should not have supported Hamas.”

These are not hypothetical reactions. These are comments that have been posted directly on my social media, and there are many more that are even more offensive.

This dehumanisation, this deliberate othering of Palestinians, was not incidental. It was an essential prerequisite. It is how ethnic cleansing and genocide are made politically possible.

Enough of the public must be conditioned either to support the crime outright, or to look away while it is carried out.

So I am going to take a small sidetrack here.


October 7

I am going to play you videos of Efrat Fenigson, a fellow podcaster and friend of mine who is an Israeli who served within the intelligence arm of the IDF. And I also want you to listen to Charlie Kirk, speaking publicly before his death.

Both of them are saying out loud what millions of people around the world have been thinking.

How on earth could the most secure, surveilled, and technologically monitored border on the planet simply fail the way it did on October 7th?

For many, the best case explanation is catastrophic negligence. For others, it looks like something far darker. That Israeli authorities knew what Hamas were planning and allowed it to happen, because it gave them the pretext they needed to then destroy Gaza and carry out ethnic cleansing.

For many observers, October 7th provided the pretext to finally “solve” what Israel has long framed as the Gaza problem, what to do with the Gazans, how to remove them, and how to take the land, while maintaining a degree of international legitimacy. After all, they were simply defending themselves.

And with the emotive language that followed October 7th, claims of forty beheaded babies and systematic mass rape, claims that were never substantiated and later quietly walked back, the public was pushed to back what is now increasingly recognised as a genocidal campaign.

And to a large degree, that strategy worked. Although many of us could see through the lies. And this is not to say that Israelis did not die. They did.

But there is a long and uncomfortable history, not just in Israel but across many states, of governments allowing their own people to die, or actively killing them, to achieve strategic objectives.

We now know that Egypt warned Israel in advance about the attacks, more than once. We know that Israel transferred large sums of money to Hamas over the years, officially framed as a way of managing Gaza. We know that roughly two thirds of IDF troops were moved away from the Gaza border shortly beforehand. We know that the Hannibal Directive was invoked, allowing Israeli forces to kill their own citizens to prevent hostage taking.

We know there is testimony that Apache helicopters fired into areas where Israeli civilians were present. We know border surveillance footage was deleted or is missing. And as already mentioned, the beheaded babies and mass rape narrative was never confirmed and has since collapsed.

So when you strip away the slogans, the outrage bait, and the emotional manipulation, I would argue this. If you care about Jewish people, and if you care about Israel, then as a friend you would want these questions investigated properly.

A state harming its own people, or allowing them to be harmed, is not unprecedented. It is not unusual for a state to act against the interests of its citizens, in fact it is the norm. After all, wasn’t it the Israeli government that aggressively enforced COVID injections on its population and punished dissent. This is not a government with a strong record of respecting consent.

If you want to look into this in greater detail I highly recommend Iain Davis article titled Unacknowledged False Flags: The October 7th Hamas Attack – Part 1. I also can’t state how brilliant the documenatry Atrocity Inc by Max Blumenthal is.


The Plan For Gaza

So I want to look carefully at what is now being proposed, who is proposing it, and what kind of future it locks in.

Because once you do that, the picture that emerges is not one of peace, reconstruction, or healing.

It is a picture of administration without consent, without a mandate, development without sovereignty, and profit without accountability.

Gaza is not being rebuilt.

It is being redesigned.

And it is being used as a prototype and a template for all of us.

Just as the destruction of Gaza was a test bed for AI assisted targeting, autonomous weapons, advanced drone technology and new surveillance driven warfare, the reconstruction phase is now being used as a prototype for how populations will be governed in the future.

Palantir was involved in the destructive phase, supplying the data infrastructure that enabled targeting, surveillance, and real time decision making. And now, as Gaza is reduced to rubble, the tech bros and technocrats are lining up to manage the reconstruction.

The Board of Peace, is not a peace process, but a governance architecture

The so called Board of Peace is being presented as a post conflict stabilisation body. But if you read its charter carefully, it does not even mention Gaza. You can find the Charter at the bottom of this article, see for yourself.

It does not function like a peace process at all. It does not negotiate between parties. It does not centre affected populations. It does not guarantee political rights.

Instead, it establishes a permanent governance architecture with legal personality, immunity, executive authority, and financial control.

Like I said, the Board of Peace charter notably does not mention Gaza anywhere. And that matters. It means this body is not tied to one place or one conflict. It is portable, deployable anywhere instability is declared by powerful actors.

Although legitimacy is claimed via the United Nations Security Council, with China and Russia abstaining, the charter itself outlives any specific mandate. The Gaza timeframe becomes temporary. The governance structure does not.

This is not reconstruction oversight.

It is a new layer of rule.

Governance without the governed.

Membership in the Board of Peace is restricted to states invited by the chairman. There is no mechanism for representation of Gazans. There are no elections. There is no referendum. There is no consultation process.

The average Gazan Palestinian has no say, no voice. Palestinians are not members, observers, or even stakeholders.

This is governance imposed from above, not consented to from below.
That is not an accident. It is the architecture.

Today, this model is being imposed on the people of Gaza by an unelected class of billionaires and technocrats.

Tomorrow, the question will not be whether it is repeated, but who it is imposed upon next, all in the name of peace, prosperity, and stability.


A roll call of power without conscience.

The so called Gaza Peace Board reads less like a peace initiative and more like a roll call of power without conscience. A list of dictators and tyrants.

Trump letter urges Israel's president to pardon PM Netanyahu - BBC News

You have Benjamin Netanyahu, an indicted war criminal under international scrutiny. Alongside him sits Mohammed bin Salman, a ruler whose critics are silenced, imprisoned, dismembered, or worse. Then Mohammed bin Zayed, head of state implicated in fuelling war and mass killing in Sudan through proxy forces and arms flows.

Add Alexander Lukashenko, often described as Europe’s last open dictator. Throw in Ilham Aliyev, responsible for ethnic cleansing against Armenians in Nagorno Karabakh. Include Shavkat Mirziyoyev, largely unknown to the public but presiding over a state with a long record of torture, repression, and tightly controlled political life.

Then there is Jared Kushner, a property developer openly salivating over a future Gaza Riviera while the rubble is still warm and the blood has not yet congealed.

And finally, Tony Blair, a man whose legacy includes the deaths of over a million Iraqis and the permanent destabilisation of an entire region, a man who quite literally has blood on his hands and has openly supported Israel throughout his career.

Tony Blair: Hamas has 'a very clear choice to make' | The Times of Israel
All in the hand gesture for those who know, they know

If this is what the architects of peace look like, one has to ask whether peace is even the objective.

You could hardly assemble a more ragtag, grotesque collection of figures to sit in judgement over Gaza, unless the point is not peace at all, but power, profit, and narrative control, dressed up in diplomatic language.

Representation, alignment, and the illusion of neutrality.

Anybody claiming to oversee peace, reconstruction, and governance in a post conflict territory must meet a basic standard. It must be, and it must be seen to be, politically neutral, representative, and free from conflicts of interest.

But again, the Board of Peace fails that test.


A Board Drawn From One Political Worldview

Several prominent figures associated with the Board of Peace or its surrounding ecosystem have openly declared strong personal, political, or financial alignment with Israel, or have long standing roles advancing Israeli interests.

This includes figures such as:

• Jared Kushner, architect of the Abraham Accords, publicly aligned with Israeli strategic interests and closely embedded in Israeli political circles

• Steve Witkoff, a real estate investor with close ties to Israeli leadership and public expressions of support for Israel

• Tony Blair, whose post premiership work in the Middle East has consistently aligned with Western and Israeli security frameworks, and whose Middle East Quartet role was widely criticised by Palestinians

• Marc Rowan, a major financier with public pro Israel advocacy and deep ties to Israeli economic interests

• Robert Gabriel, associated with investment networks that have expressed explicit political sympathy with Israel

These affiliations matter. Not because of religion. Not because of ethnicity.

But because they represent a narrow and consistent political alignment in a conflict where neutrality is essential.

Now I ask the obvious question.

Where is the Palestinian representation?

How many Palestinians sit on the Board of Peace Executive Board. How many representatives of Gaza’s civil society, professional class, municipal leadership, or displaced population are present. How many voices directly accountable to Palestinian communities are involved in decision making.

The answer is simple.

None.

No Palestinian representation. No Palestinian voting rights. No Palestinian veto. No Palestinian consent mechanism.

The people whose land, homes, resources, and political future are being decided are not in the room.

This is governance without consent, which is not peace.

This is not a symbolic omission. It is the defining feature of the entire structure.

Decisions about Gaza are being made by political elites, financial actors, foreign governments, and technocratic administrators.

This is governance about Palestinians, for investors, but without Palestinians.

That is not peace building. It is administration.

And here are my words. This is going to be the future that will be played out for the rest of us on this planet.

This is about power, not identity.

To be absolutely clear, this is not a criticism of Jewish people. It is not a religious argument. It is not an ethnic argument. It is a critique of power alignment and exclusion.

Peace without representation is occupation by another name.

And this may sound uncomfortable for some, but I genuinely believe that Jewish people and Israeli people are also victims, though in a different way, than the Palestinians.


Capital as Political Power

One clause in the charter removes any remaining ambiguity that money is the political power.

Member states serve fixed terms unless they contribute over 1 billion dollars, in which case term limits do not apply.

Is this not some form of bribery? This is not diplomacy.

This is a shareholder model of governance. Influence is being purchased. Permanence is being purchased. Peace becomes a financial instrument.

Where will this money go? How will it be spent?

The chairman controls membership, appointments, renewals, vetoes, dispute interpretation, succession, and dissolution.

And who is the inaugural chairman? It is Donald Trump of course, himself a lifelong property developer.

There will be no independent court. No appeal mechanism. No democratic oversight.

Does this not effectively make Donald Trump a king?


Davos, Where Gaza Was Pitched as an Asset

And what about Davos. This is where Gaza was pitched as an asset.

At the World Economic Forum in Davos, Jared Kushner presented what was framed as a vision for Gaza’s future.

180 skyscrapers for Gaza: Trump's son-in-law Kushner unveils 'masterplan'  for enclave's reconstruction | CNN

But let us listen carefully to how it was framed. It was not framed as restitution. Not as repair. Not as justice. It was framed as opportunity, investment, and growth. Slides. Renderings. Master plans.

This was not a peace proposal. It was a development pitch.

And developers are not neutral actors. Context matters.

Jared Kushner comes from real estate. His family business is property development.

His father, Charles Kushner, a major developer, was convicted of serious financial crimes and later pardoned by Donald Trump.

  • The Crime: In 2004, Kushner admitted to hiring a prostitute to lure his sister’s husband, who was cooperating with federal authorities, and then mailing the videotaped evidence to his sister to intimidate them.

  • Conviction and Sentence: In 2005, Kushner was sentenced to two years in federal prison after pleading guilty to 18 counts of tax evasion, witness tampering, and campaign finance violations.

  • Prosecution: Then-U.S. Attorney Chris Christie prosecuted the case, describing it as “loathsome” and “disgusting”.

  • Pardon: On December 23, 2020, President Donald Trump, the father-in-law of his son Jared, issued a full pardon to Charles Kushner.

Donald Trump, Jared Kushner’s father in law, a fellow property developer, built his public identity in luxury real estate.

Developers see land as potential. Destruction as clearance. Stability as investability.

That mindset saturates this proposal.

And frankly, it is quite sickening.


The Slide That Exposes the Economic Model

And then there is the slide that exposes the economic model.

One slide presented at Davos is titled Empowering Gazans with Jobs, Training, and Services.

It promises the following outcomes after ten years, by 2035.

  • Over 10 billion dollars in GDP.

  • Over 500,000 jobs.

  • Over 25 billion dollars in utilities and infrastructure investment.

  • Over 3 billion dollars in commercial zones.

  • Tourism corridors.

  • Energy and digital infrastructure.

  • And then, crucially.

  • 13,000 dollars average annual household income.

And why do these numbers matter. Because this is household income, not individual income. And in Gaza, households are large and multi generational, spread across multiple adults and children. 13,000 dollars by 2035 per household is subsistence living.

This is not prosperity, especially in a privatised, investor dominated economy. This is their best case scenario. After ten years of peace, stability, and redevelopment, this is what is being offered. And compare that to what is being monetised.

  • Prime Mediterranean coastline.

  • Commercial districts.

  • Tourism revenue.

  • Energy infrastructure.

  • Offshore oil and gas.

  • And possibly the Ben Gurion Canal.

This is structural inequality by design.

Nowhere in the Davos materials or the Board of Peace charter is there any discussion of Palestinian ownership of land, housing, utilities, commercial districts, offshore gas, or financial institutions.

The presentations were slick. The model is clear. Palestinians will work and others will own. Jobs replace rights. Training replaces sovereignty. This is not empowerment. It is management.

This is modern slavery.


The Questions the Proposal Refuses to Answer

For all its detail, the Board of Peace proposal avoids the most important questions.

How will Gaza be demilitarised? It is assumed, but not explained.

There is no credible, rights based plan for disarmament, reconciliation, or civilian protection. Palestinians have a long and bitter history of disarmament, and that history ended in the Nakba.

Security is treated as a precondition, not a negotiated outcome.

Where Will Gazans Live During Reconstruction? Right now, many are living in tents, on beaches, or in the open air. Rebuilding Gaza will take years, likely decades. There is no clear plan for interim housing, no clear right of return, and no guarantees that temporary displacement will not become permanent.

Temporary displacement is how permanent removal happens.

Just look at how many millions of Palestinians to this day have been denied their right to return, living in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, and elsewhere.

Have Gazans even accepted this plan? There is no evidence of consent. There is no referendum. There is no representative process. There is no democratic mandate.

Decisions are being made in Davos, in Washington, and behind closed doors, not in Gaza. Again, this is governance without consent. This is not democracy.


The 70 Billion Dollar Question

A joint estimate by the United Nations, the European Union, and the World Bank places the cost of rebuilding Gaza at around 70 billion dollars.

Who is going to pay for this? If governments fund it, who owns what is built. If loans fund it, who carries the debt. If private capital funds it, who receives the returns.

The answer is implicit. Investors profit. Contractors profit. Financial institutions profit.

And Palestinians, well they will receive a paltry subsistence wage.


The Airport That Was Already Destroyed

Jared Kushner speaks of building a new airport for Gaza in slick, polished presentations. What he omits is that Gaza already had one.

It opened in 1998 and was destroyed by Israel in the early 2000s. Infrastructure is not being restored. It is being replaced. Without acknowledgement. Without restitution. Without consent.


The Bantustan Comparison

Under apartheid South Africa, Bantustans were presented as self governing homelands.

In reality, they served five functions.

  • Stripping political rights - Citizenship was reassigned to powerless territories

  • Containment - Borders were sealed and movement controlled

  • Economic extraction - Labour stayed local, wealth flowed outward

  • Development as pacification - Jobs and housing masked the removal of power

  • International legitimisation - Recognition came from elites, not inhabitants

This is the same structure being proposed for Gaza.

What we are witnessing is a shift from racial apartheid to technocratic apartheid.

This is not apartheid of race alone. It is apartheid of power. Two populations. One territory. Radically unequal control. One governs. One serves.


Containment Without Occupation

Gaza remains border controlled, airspace denied, maritime access restricted, and digitally surveilled.

The occupation becomes administrative rather than military. Containment replaces conquest. Architecture becomes whitewash. Mass displacement is reframed as redevelopment clearance. Ethnic cleansing becomes opportunity. Occupation becomes administration. Colonialism becomes peace.

Gaza is not being rebuilt. It is being replaced. The old Gaza. The historic Gaza.The living Gaza. It is no longer here.

The Board of Peace charter, the Davos presentation, the economic projections, and the unanswered questions all describe a single project.

Not peace, not justice and certainly not self determination.

It is the conversion of Gaza into a managed labour zone, governed by technocrats, monetised by investors, and inhabited by a population denied sovereignty, ownership, and voice.

Gaza is not the endpoint. It is the prototype.

At this point, some readers will be tempted to look for a political saviour.


The Illusion of the Outsider

For the longest time, I genuinely did not understand why people would stand by figures like Donald Trump, as if he is not the obvious globalist puppet that he is, just another actor on the stage like all the other politicians, bought and paid for. They are all in the same club.

Then I realised what is fundamentally at play.

I wrote about this just the other day on my Substack, the lie of the least bad option. The idea that wisdom lies in choosing the sweeter poison because at least it is not as bitter as the other one. This is not discernment. It is resignation.

And it is exactly the psychological trap that keeps people clinging to figures like Donald Trump. At least he is not as bad as the other option.

The reality is that Trump is now overseeing the sanitisation and whitewashing of ethnic cleansing and the genocide of the Palestinians in Gaza. He is not acting against the system. He is acting for it. For the same globalist, technocratic power structures he claims to oppose.

And this points to a deeper problem.

When large sections of the population begin to lose faith in the political system, when they start to see the pantomime for what it is, the ruling parasite class responds in a very predictable way. It delivers charismatic leaders and offers token concessions.

These concessions are never fundamental. They are expendable.

Cultural battlegrounds and symbolic policies are thrown under the bus to create the illusion of change. This creates the impression that there is a genuine war taking place between left and right, that your side is winning, and that your saviour has arrived.

But the divergence is superficial. The substance never changes.

The core agenda continues untouched. Technocracy. Digital identity. Digital currency. mRNA technology. Communitarian governance. Support for empire, regime change, and Israel. These are non negotiable.

The fundamental reality is never exposed, that we do not live in a democracy in the West, but under an oligarchy, endlessly mythologised as freedom and hypocritically used to vilify and attack countries that attempt to forge an independent, sovereign path.

The red lines remain firmly in place.

What cannot be challenged is the crooked financial industrial complex, the banking class that has enslaved humanity through a debt based monetary system, and the network of dependent structures it produces, the military industrial complex, the medical industrial complex, the pharmaceutical industrial complex, the political industrial complex, the lobbying industrial complex, the media industrial complex, the surveillance industrial complex, the data industrial complex, the prison industrial complex, the education industrial complex, and the tech industrial complex.

When you strip everything back, the real divide is not left versus right. It is between the governed and those who govern without consent. Between the many and the parasite class.

If the fact that Trump being the father of the vaccine did not convince you that he is not one of us, then the fact that he now sits at the head of the Board of Peace, alongside war criminals, should.

Choosing Trump because he is not as bad as the other option is not resistance. It is participation in the same rigged game, just with a different costume.

In this inverted world, his plan presents ethnic cleansing as peace and slavery as freedom.

He is not on Team Humanity. And he is not our saviour.


Final Thought

This is not peace. It is order imposed for profit. It is violence laundered through development language.

And if this model is allowed to stand, Gaza will not be the exception. It will be the blueprint.

When I say blueprint, I do not mean this metaphorically. The language, tools, and governance structures being trialled here, digital identity, managed mobility, algorithmic decision making, public private administration, labour without ownership, are the same ones being promoted globally under banners like smart cities and 15 minute cities. What is being tested in Gaza through force will later be offered elsewhere through incentives, compliance, and convenience.

As I have said since October 7th to everyone who says, I do not want to get involved, I do not have an opinion about Gaza and Palestine, I do not know much about the conflict.

That is not good enough. The information and truth is out there for the unbiased and open mind to see.

What is happening to the Palestinians does affect us. It does involve us. And I do not just mean the fact that our governments are sending weapons, arms, logistical support, intelligence, or diplomatic cover to the Israeli government for what is happening. What is happening to the Palestinians is a test bed for what will happen to all of us.

Their current predicament is our future predicament.

And if we do not stand with the Palestinians today, there will be no one left to stand with us tomorrow.

Much love

Doc Malik

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Below is the Charter and my concerns about it.

No mention of Gaza, despite governing Gaza

The Charter never mentions Gaza by name. This is not a drafting oversight, it is a structural choice. By avoiding any reference to a specific territory or people, the Board of Peace is designed as a portable governance mechanism that can be deployed anywhere instability is declared by powerful actors. Gaza becomes a case study, not the subject. This allows the Board to outlive any specific mandate and evade accountability to the population it governs.

Governance without consent or representation

There is no provision for representation of the affected population. No elections, no referendum, no consultation process, no mechanism for consent. Palestinians are not members, observers, or stakeholders. Decisions about land, resources, security, and governance are made entirely by external states and appointed elites. This is administration imposed from above, not governance derived from the people.

Chairman holds near total power

The Chairman controls membership, renewal, removal, agenda setting, veto power, interpretation of the Charter, succession, creation of subsidiary bodies, and dissolution of the organisation itself. There are no effective checks or balances. No independent judiciary. No appeal mechanism. Authority is concentrated in one individual, collapsing any meaningful separation of powers.

Capital explicitly buys political power

Member states are subject to term limits unless they contribute over one billion dollars, in which case those limits do not apply. This formalises wealth as political leverage. Influence and permanence are purchased, not earned. This is not diplomacy or multilateralism, it is a shareholder model of governance where capital determines authority.

Executive Board is appointed, not accountable

The Executive Board is selected by the Chairman, serves at his discretion, and can be removed by him. It is not accountable to the governed population, nor meaningfully to member states. Decisions take immediate effect and can only be vetoed by the Chairman, reinforcing a top down, unaccountable power structure.

Legal immunity without democratic oversight

The Board and its subsidiary entities are granted international legal personality, immunity, and the ability to enter contracts, acquire property, manage funds, and employ staff. These powers are not matched with democratic oversight, transparency requirements, or accountability mechanisms. This creates a supranational authority operating above the law of the territory it governs.

Dispute resolution is internal and controlled

All disputes regarding interpretation or application of the Charter are resolved internally, with the Chairman as the final authority. There is no independent arbitration, no international court oversight, and no recourse for affected populations. The body acts as legislator, executor, and judge over its own actions.

Security is assumed, not negotiated

The Charter assumes stabilisation and security as prerequisites but offers no rights based framework for demilitarisation, reconciliation, or civilian protection. Security is treated as a condition imposed on the population rather than a negotiated outcome involving them. This is especially significant given the historical consequences of disarmament for Palestinians.

Economic development without ownership

The Charter emphasises development, investment, and stability but contains no provisions guaranteeing local ownership of land, housing, infrastructure, natural resources, or financial institutions. Labour is implied, ownership is not. This sets the conditions for an extractive economy where the population works within a system they do not control.

Temporary mandate, permanent structure

While political authorisation may be time limited, the Charter creates a durable, renewable, and self perpetuating institution. The mandate can expire, but the governance architecture remains. This allows temporary crises to justify permanent loss of sovereignty.

Elite legitimacy replaces popular legitimacy

The Board derives legitimacy from recognition by states and institutions, not from the people whose lives it governs. This mirrors historical colonial and mandate systems where authority flowed downward from external powers rather than upward from the population.

A model designed to be replicated

Taken as a whole, the Charter does not read like a one off response to a humanitarian crisis. It reads like a template. A reusable framework for managing territories, populations, and resources without sovereignty, consent, or democracy, under the language of peace, stability, and development.


CHARTER OF THE BOARD OF PEACE

PREAMBLE

Declaring that durable peace requires pragmatic judgment, common sense solutions, and the courage to depart from approaches and institutions that have too often failed,

Recognizing that lasting peace takes root when people are empowered to take ownership and responsibility over their future,

Affirming that only sustained, results oriented partnership, grounded in shared burdens and commitments, can secure peace in places where it has for too long proven elusive,

Lamenting that too many approaches to peace building foster perpetual dependency, and institutionalize crisis rather than leading people beyond it,

Emphasizing the need for a more nimble and effective international peace building body, and

Resolving to assemble a coalition of willing States committed to practical cooperation and effective action,

Judgment guided and justice honored, the Parties hereby adopt the Charter for the Board of Peace.

CHAPTER I

PURPOSES AND FUNCTIONS

Article 1: Mission

The Board of Peace is an international organization that seeks to promote stability, restore dependable and lawful governance, and secure enduring peace in areas affected or threatened by conflict.

The Board of Peace shall undertake such peace building functions in accordance with international law and as may be approved in accordance with this Charter, including the development and dissemination of best practices capable of being applied by all nations and communities seeking peace.

CHAPTER II

MEMBERSHIP

Article 2.1: Member States

Membership in the Board of Peace is limited to States invited to participate by the Chairman, and commences upon notification that the State has consented to be bound by this Charter, in accordance with Chapter XI.

Article 2.2: Member State Responsibilities

(a) Each Member State shall be represented on the Board of Peace by its Head of State or Government.

(b) Each Member State shall support and assist with Board of Peace operations consistent with their respective domestic legal authorities. Nothing in this Charter shall be construed to give the Board of Peace jurisdiction within the territory of Member States, or require Member States to participate in a particular peace building mission, without their consent.

(c) Each Member State shall serve a term of no more than three years from this Charter’s entry into force, subject to renewal by the Chairman. The three year membership term shall not apply to Member States that contribute more than USD 1,000,000,000 in cash funds to the Board of Peace within the first year of the Charter’s entry into force.

Article 2.3: Termination of Membership

Membership shall terminate upon the earlier of

(i) expiration of a three year term, subject to Article 2.2(c) and renewal by the Chairman,

(ii) withdrawal, consistent with Article 2.4,

(iii) a removal decision by the Chairman, subject to a veto by a two thirds majority of Member States, or

(iv) dissolution of the Board of Peace pursuant to Chapter X.

A Member State whose membership terminates shall also cease to be a Party to the Charter, but such State may be invited again to become a Member State, in accordance with Article 2.1.

Article 2.4: Withdrawal

Any Member State may withdraw from the Board of Peace with immediate effect by providing written notice to the Chairman.

CHAPTER III

GOVERNANCE

Article 3.1: The Board of Peace

(a) The Board of Peace consists of its Member States.

(b) The Board of Peace shall vote on all proposals on its agenda, including with respect to the annual budgets, the establishment of subsidiary entities, the appointment of senior executive officers, and major policy determinations, such as the approval of international agreements and the pursuit of new peace building initiatives.

(c) The Board of Peace shall convene voting meetings at least annually and at such additional times and locations as the Chairman deems appropriate. The agenda at such meetings shall be set by the Executive Board, subject to notice and comment by Member States and approval by the Chairman.

(d) Each Member State shall have one vote on the Board of Peace.

(e) Decisions shall be made by a majority of the Member States present and voting, subject to the approval of the Chairman, who may also cast a vote in his capacity as Chairman in the event of a tie.

(f) The Board of Peace shall also hold regular non voting meetings with its Executive Board at which Member States may submit recommendations and guidance with respect to the Executive Board’s activities, and at which the Executive Board shall report to the Board of Peace on the Executive Board’s operations and decisions. Such meetings shall be convened on at least a quarterly basis, with the time and place of said meetings determined by the Chief Executive of the Executive Board.

Article 3.2: Chairman

(a) Donald J Trump shall serve as inaugural Chairman of the Board of Peace, and he shall separately serve as inaugural representative of the United States of America, subject only to the provisions of Chapter III.

(b) The Chairman shall have exclusive authority to create, modify, or dissolve subsidiary entities as necessary or appropriate to fulfill the Board of Peace’s mission.

Article 3.3: Succession and Replacement

The Chairman shall at all times designate a successor for the role of Chairman.

Replacement of the Chairman may occur only following voluntary resignation or as a result of incapacity, as determined by a unanimous vote of the Executive Board, at which time the Chairman’s designated successor shall immediately assume the position of Chairman and all associated duties and authorities.

Article 3.4: Subcommittees

The Chairman may establish subcommittees as necessary or appropriate and shall set the mandate, structure, and governance rules for each such subcommittee.

CHAPTER IV

EXECUTIVE BOARD

Article 4.1: Executive Board Composition and Representation

(a) The Executive Board shall be selected by the Chairman and consist of leaders of global stature.

(b) Members of the Executive Board shall serve two year terms, subject to removal by the Chairman and renewable at his discretion.

(c) The Executive Board shall be led by a Chief Executive nominated by the Chairman and confirmed by a majority vote of the Executive Board.

(d) The Chief Executive shall convene the Executive Board every two weeks for the first three months following its establishment and on a monthly basis thereafter.

(e) Decisions of the Executive Board shall be made by a majority of its members present and voting, including the Chief Executive, and shall go into effect immediately, subject to veto by the Chairman at any time thereafter.

(f) The Executive Board shall determine its own rules of procedure.

(g) Member States may elect to be represented by an alternate high ranking official at all meetings, subject to approval by the Chairman.

(h) The Chairman may issue invitations to relevant regional economic integration organizations to participate in the proceedings of the Board of Peace under such terms and conditions as he deems appropriate.

Article 4.2: Executive Board Mandate

The Executive Board shall exercise powers necessary and appropriate to implement the Board of Peace’s mission, consistent with this Charter, and shall report to the Board of Peace on its activities and decisions on a quarterly basis, and at such additional times as the Chairman may determine.

CHAPTER V

FINANCIAL PROVISIONS

Article 5.1: Expenses

Funding for the expenses of the Board of Peace shall be through voluntary funding from Member States, other States, organizations, or other sources.

Article 5.2: Accounts

The Board of Peace may authorize the establishment of accounts as necessary to carry out its mission.

The Executive Board shall authorize the institution of controls and oversight mechanisms with respect to budgets, financial accounts, and disbursements, as necessary or appropriate to ensure their integrity.

CHAPTER VI

LEGAL STATUS

Article 6

(a) The Board of Peace and its subsidiary entities possess international legal personality. They shall have such legal capacity as may be necessary to the pursuit of their mission, including the capacity to enter into contracts, acquire and dispose of movable and immovable property, institute legal proceedings, open bank accounts, receive and disburse private and public funds, and employ staff.

(b) The Board of Peace shall ensure the provision of such privileges and immunities as are necessary for the exercise of its functions and those of its subsidiary entities and personnel, to be established in agreements with host States or through other measures consistent with domestic legal requirements.

CHAPTER VII

INTERPRETATION AND DISPUTE RESOLUTION

Article 7

Internal disputes between and among Board of Peace Members, entities, and personnel shall be resolved through amicable collaboration. The Chairman is the final authority regarding the meaning, interpretation, and application of this Charter.

CHAPTER VIII

CHARTER AMENDMENTS

Article 8

Amendments may be proposed by the Executive Board or at least one third of the Member States.

Amendments require approval by a two thirds majority of the Board of Peace and confirmation by the Chairman.

Amendments to Chapters II, III, IV, V, VIII, and X require unanimous approval and confirmation by the Chairman.

CHAPTER IX

RESOLUTIONS OR OTHER DIRECTIVES

Article 9

The Chairman, acting on behalf of the Board of Peace, is authorized to adopt resolutions or other directives consistent with this Charter.

CHAPTER X

DURATION, DISSOLUTION, AND TRANSITION

Article 10

The Board of Peace continues until dissolved by the Chairman or at the end of every odd numbered calendar year unless renewed by the Chairman no later than November 21 of that year.

CHAPTER XI

ENTRY INTO FORCE

Article 11

(a) This Charter shall enter into force upon consent by three States.

(b) States not yet ratifying may provisionally apply the Charter or participate as non voting members, subject to approval by the Chairman.

The United States of America is designated as the Depositary of this Charter.

CHAPTER XII

RESERVATIONS

Article 12

No reservations may be made to this Charter.

CHAPTER XIII

GENERAL PROVISIONS

Article 13

The official language of the Board of Peace shall be English.

The Board of Peace may establish headquarters and field offices under agreements with host States.

The Board of Peace shall have an official seal approved by the Chairman.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, the undersigned, being duly authorized, have signed this Charter.


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